The Leveson inquiry will finish its principal evidence-gathering
phase this week and begin looking for consensus on how
90 days of evidence can be moulded into a system of
press regulation which satisfies the victims of libel or
intrusion, MPs and newspaper owners.
The tribunal, set up almost exactly a year ago, has heard from
hundreds of witnesses, ranging from prime ministers,
films stars and media moguls to junior civil servants,
rank-and-file reporters and people who would have
remained anonymous but for Fleet Street’s excesses.
The formal end of “Module 3”, which looked at the relationship
between the press and politicians, is due on Wednesday.
After that, Module 4 will feature witnesses who have
been thinking, and writing, about regulatory solutions
to the issues of press misconduct, abnegations of
privacy and lawbreaking that the previous three modules
have highlighted.
There have been 18 submissions on the future of regulation that the
inquiry has thought worthy of publication on its
website. None of them offers solutions, or even
opinions, on some of the most damning testimony Lord
Justice Leveson has heard, which showed the embarrassing
extent to which politicians and police officers became
intimates of newspaper owners and editors.
Instead, the submissions centre on how best to police the press
without impinging on its own policing role as protector
of ordinary individuals against organs of state or local
administration. To use Lord Leveson’s phrase from his
inaugural speech as inquiry chairman, they seek to
answer the question: “Who guards the guardians?”
Much of the most powerful evidence of the past 86 days of hearings
has come from ordinary people whose misfortunes brought
them under the interrogatory lamp of press attention.
The parents of missing Madeleine McCann or Milly Dowler,
the murdered teenager, are the most quoted examples: in
both cases they have, after enduring gross suffering at
the hands of reckless journalism, received huge sums of
money in recompense.
Lord Leveson found an ally 10 days ago in David Cameron, the prime
minister, for his view that any new system of regulation
for the press would have to satisfy the McCanns and the
Dowlers.
But perhaps more difficult for the inquiry, or Mr Cameron, to
satisfy was the case of Margaret Watson.
In one of the earliest sessions of the inquiry, she described how
articles about the murder of her teenage daughter by one
of her classmates in a Glasgow school were so distorted
by the agendas of their authors, and so misrepresented
the facts of the case, that they contributed to the
later suicide of her 15-year-old son, found dead with a
magazine piece about his sister’s case clutched in his
hand.
Lord Leveson has said a plea by Tony Blair, the former prime
minister, for regulation to separate fact from comment,
to prevent agenda-driven journalism from playing fast
and loose with accuracy, was a far more difficult task
than just punishing phone hackers, intrusive paparazzi
or purveyors of cynical defamation.
The judge has steered clear of favouring or opposing any particular
form of regulation. But he has made it clear that he is
opposed to constraining the freedom of the press and
also that “tinkering at the edges” of the current system
of the Press Complaints Commission will not be good
enough.
Over the final three weeks of evidence, he will try to thrash out
the issues presented by the newspaper industry, which
wants to retain control of a self-regulatory body
through funding, and by strong opponents of the press,
who would be happy to see parliament set the rules of
behaviour for newspapers. Neither is likely to find
favour in the Leveson report expected some time in
October.
But that report will have to resolve problems such as how to force
owners like Richard Desmond,proprietor of the Express
and Daily Star papers, from opting out of regulation
altogether, or how to regulate the press if the internet
remains a jungle of privacy invasion, distortion and
defamation.
To the relief of many, and the trepidation of some, the inquiry is
now in its last days, where actions will take the place
of millions of words. |